41 - October 8, 2001 thru 14 October,
2001, Vol XI
Learning
From September 11 Attack
Mark Weber
Director, Institute for Historical Review
weber@ihr.org
With thousands of victims and riveting images of death and destruction,
war has come home to America with terrible, devastating suddenness. Together
with our fellow citizens, we mourn the many victims of the September 11
terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center in New York and the Pentagon
building. But beyond the feelings of grief and fury must come clarity and
understanding.
President George W. Bush said on national television that "America
was targeted for attack because we're the brightest beacon for freedom
and opportunity in the world." The next day he said that "freedom
and democracy are under attack," and that the perpetrators had struck
against "all freedom-loving people everywhere in the world."
But if "democracy" and "freedom-loving people" are the
targets, why isn't anyone attacking Switzerland, Japan or Norway? Bush's
claims are just as untrue as President Wilson's World War I declaration
that the United States was fighting to "make the world safe for democracy,"
and President Roosevelt's World War II assurances that the US was fighting
for "freedom" and "democracy."In the wake of the September
11 attacks, speculation has been rife about who the perpetrators may have
been. That itself is an acknowledgment that so many people hate this country
so intensely that one cannot easily determine just who may have mounted
these well-organized attacks of suicidal desperation.
These shocking attacks were predictable. In 1993 Islamic radicals set
off a bomb at the World Trade Center that claimed six lives. In August
1998 the United States carried out missile attacks against Afghanistan
and Sudan, strikes that senior Clinton administration officials said signaled
the start of "a real war against terrorism." In the wake of those
attacks, a high-ranking US intelligence official warned that "the prospect
of retaliation against Americans is very, very high'." (The Washington
Post, Aug. 21, 1998, p. A1)
Our political leaders and the American mass media promote the preposterous
fiction that the September 11 attacks are entirely unprovoked and unrelated
to United States actions. They want everyone to believe that the underlying
hatred of America by so many around the world, especially in Arab and Muslim
countries, that motivated the perpetrators of the September 11 attacks
is unrelated to this country's policies. It is clear, however, that those
who carried out these devastating suicide attacks against centers of American
financial and military might were enraged by this country's decades-long
support for Israel and its policies of aggression, murderous repression,
and brutal occupation against Arabs and Muslims, and/or American air strikes
and economic warfare against Afghanistan, Sudan, Iraq and Iran.
America is the only country that claims the right to deploy troops
and war planes in any corner of the globe in pursuit of what our political
leaders call "vital national interests." George Washington and our
country's other founders earnestly warned against such imperial arrogance,
while far-sighted Americans such as Harry Elmer Barnes, Garet Garrett and
Pat Buchanan voiced similar concerns in the 20th century.
For most Americans modern war has largely been an abstraction -- something
that happens only in far-away lands. The victims of US air attack and bombardment
in Vietnam, Lebanon, Sudan, Libya, Iraq and Serbia have seemed somehow
unreal. Few ordinary Americans pay attention, because US military actions
normally have little impact on their day-to-day lives.
Just as residents of Rome in the second century hardly noticed the
battles fought by their troops on the outer edges of the Roman empire,
residents of Seattle and Cleveland today barely concern themselves with
the devastation wrought by American troops and war planes in, for example,
Iraq.
Ramsey Clark, former US Attorney General, has accused the United States
of committing "a crime against humanity" against the people of Iraq
"that exceeds all others in its magnitude, cruelty and portent."
Citing United Nations agency reports and his own on-site investigations,
Clark charged in 1996 that the scarcity of food and medicine as a result
of sanctions against Iraq imposed by the United States since 1990, and
US bombings of the country, had caused the deaths of more than a million
people, including more than half a million children.
Madeleine Albright, Secretary of State in President Clinton's administration,
defended the mass killings. During a 1996 interview she was asked: "We
have heard that half a million children have died [as a result of sanctions
against Iraq]. I mean, that is more children than died in Hiroshima...Is
the price worth it?" Albright replied: "...We think the price is
worth it." ("60 Minutes," May 12, 1996).
President Bush is now pledging a "crusade," a "war against
terrorism" and a "sustained campaign" to "eradicate the evil
of terrorism."
But such calls sound hollow given the US government's own record of
support for terrorism, for example during the Vietnam war. During the 1980s,
the US supported "terrorists" in Afghanistan -- including Osama
bin Laden, now the "prime suspect" in the September 11 attacks --
in their struggle to drive out the Soviet invaders.
American presidents have warmly welcomed to the White House Menachem
Begin and Yitzhak Shamir, two Israeli prime ministers with well-documented
records as terrorists. President Bush himself has welcomed to Washington
Israel's current prime minister, Ariel Sharon, whose forces have been carrying
out assassinations of Palestinian leaders and murderous "retaliatory"
strikes against Palestinians. Even an official Israeli commission found
that Sharon bore some responsibility for the 1982 massacres of Palestinian
civilians in the Sabra and Shatila refugee camps.
Jewish and Zionist leaders, and their American servants, have predictably
lost no time exploiting the September 11 attacks to further their own interests.
Taking advantage of the current national mood of blind rage and revenge,
they demand new US military action against Israel's many enemies.
In the weeks to come, therefore, we can expect the US government, supported
by an enraged public, to lash out violently. The great danger is that an
emotion-driven, reactive response will aggravate underlying tensions and
encourage new acts of murderous violence.
What is needed now is not a vengeful "crusade," but coherent,
reasoned policies based on sanity and justice.
In the months and years ahead, most Americans will no doubt continue
to accept what their political leaders and the mass media tell them.
But the jolting impact of the September 11 attacks -- which have, for
the first time, brought to our cities the terror and devastation of attacks
from the sky -- will also encourage growing numbers of thoughtful Americans
to see through the lies propagated by our nation's political and cultural
elite, and its Zionist allies, to impose their will around the world. More
and more people will understand that their government's overseas policies
inevitably have consequences even here at home.
In 1948, as the Zionist state was being established in Palestine, US
Secretary of State George C. Marshall, along with nearly every other high-level
US foreign affairs specialist, warned that American support for Israel
would have dire long-term consequences. Events have fully vindicated their
concerns.
Over the long run, the September 11 attacks will encourage public awareness
of our government's imperial role in the world, including a sobering reassessment
of this country's perverse "special relationship" with the Jewish
ethnostate. Along with that, rage will grow against those who have subordinated
American interests, and basic justice and humanity, to Jewish-Zionist ambitions.
For more than 20 years the IHR has sought, through its educational
work, to prevent precisely such horrors as the attacks in New York and
Washington. In the years ahead, as we continue our mission of promoting
greater public awareness of history and world affairs, and a greater sense
of public responsibility for the policies that generated the rage behind
the September 11 attacks, this work will be more important than ever.
Recalling
our Memories of 26th September Revolution
Mohammed Bin Sallam
The Yemeni people celebrated the 39th anniversary of the 26th September
Revolution, which signifies the end of a despotic and regressive reign
in this part of the world. The republican system was established to represent
the Yemeni people's power. Ignorance, backwardness and epidemics vanished
and the Imamates' despotic rule, in which the Yemeni people remained under
the cudgel of slavery and oppression for a long time, was vanquished. It
was the time for the people to get rid of the and darkness and enter a
reign of enlightenment and progress. In the coming days the Yemeni people
will celebrate the 38th anniversary of the 14th October Revolution in which
the Yemeni people were unchained from the slavery and oppression of the
British colony. After some time, that is after subsequent revolutions and
movements, the Yemeni people at length were able achieve a resounding victory
to unify Yemen into one nation on May 22nd, 1990.
It is urgent that we devote ourselves to the future of Yemen. The future
of Yemen requires the effort of all people in order to enhance and protect
the groundwork of the unity and to expand the notion of democracy among
the people. Effort should be exerted on a steadfast reform program to widen
the horizons for a better future for Yemen.
The 26th September revolution was able to achieve some aspects of development.
The problem lies in crystallizing the six goals of the Yemeni revolution
and transforming them into a practical reality. For a long time, the goals
have existed as mere mottos. Nothing have been achieved yet, such as stabilizing
the mainstay of unity and democracy, enhancing the democratic process by
bridging the gap among classes, giving rise to a comprehensive agriculture
and industrial renaissance, leading to a raise in the standard of living,
with the aim of ensuring a comfortable and honest life for all people.
With this revolution, we still base our hopes on achieving a number of
significant transitions which are included in the six goals of the revolution.
Generally speaking, the government remains paralyzed in achieving the six
goals of the revolution, obstructed by segregation and discord. The peoples'
will is endless. Mottos and speeches are not enough; they cannot make bread
for these poor people. The principles alone cannot survive, unless they
become a reality in behavior or practice. We are in dire need of a well-grounded
institutional order which has an effect on our population. We need a true
democracy that could bring man from segregation to a unified life. The
people still dream of protecting unity, ensuring the rights of equal citizenship,
providing sufficient assurances for freedom of press and respecting others'
opinions, providing free education and medicine, establishing a well-grounded
national economy in order to regain the purchasing power of the local currency,
fixing prices in accordance with individual income, upholding the rule
of law, applying justice, getting rid of corrupt officials who squander
the wealth of the people and the wealth of the country. All these are still
dreams of the Yemenis. We as Yemenis want radical changes in all aspects
of life. At last, we pose the question to our accountable government officials
and to those who enjoy high positions. We wonder! Were the martyrs paid
any due attention for their deeds for the sake for the of 26th September
revolution and the 14th October revolution? Where are the people who led
the revolution? Undoubtedly, they were marginalized. No recognition is
paid to them. They are the ones who sacrificed themselves for the sake
of their country and for the younger generation; they left no stones unturned.
Nevertheless, they fall prey to despotism and oppression, and they are
completely ignored.
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