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Focus (Opinion) Of the Week
19 - May 8th thru May 14th 2000, Vol X
 
 
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COMMON SENSE
On Consultancy Services

By: Hassan Al-Haifi
A major component of a significant portion of the development projects, in most of the developing countries, is the technical expertise, or technical assistance component. This usually consists of a consultancy services element and training. Most of the consultancy services are usually provided by well-known international firms, with extensive experience in their general or specialized fields, as the case may be. Quite often many of these firms have an extensive network of branches and field offices throughout the world, where they have worked and are presently still undertaking work for their private or public sector clients. The consultancy services vary from project to project depending on size, the technical nature of the project and the availability of the competent technical personnel available to the client executing the project. While there are some consulting firms that offer a diversified line of consultancy services, that encompass a number of technical and managerial services, most consulting houses would tend to be specialized in different fields Ð such as power engineering, construction of infrastructure civil works, roads, bridges, water and sewerage, buildings, etc. Though most consulting services are in the technical sphere of services, there are now a number of well-known consulting firms that have taken up managerial and social development fields and even more recently political, legal and institutional development fields. Quite often, the consultancy element in the latter form of consultancy Ð non-technical Ð comprise the whole project itself.
Normally for the consultancy activities involving a significant amount of engineering and structural works, the consultancy services can be said to be broken down into three sub-areas: study and design phase of the project Ð including feasibility studies, project appraisal, drawing, etc; tendering (which involves, preparation of tender documents, invitation for pre-qualification of tenderers, selecting the qualified potential bidders and invitation thereof to present their technical and financial proposals, analysis and evaluation of tender offers, award of tenders, etc.); and project supervision. The latter Ð project supervision Ð is the main prize sought after by any consultant for any project, as it involves more time, more specific tangible work and, depending on the size of the project, lots more money than the other two phases. Moreover, this allows the consultant to take on an intermediary role between the client and the implementing contractor and here the integrity and professional acumen is called for, especially as the consultant has to gain the trust of the contractor, who has no direct relationship with the consultant, and the client who is paying the consultant. While it is not unreasonable to find a consultant undertaking all three phases of project consultancy work, it would not be exceptional to find consultants engaged in some phases of the consultancy work (phases 1 and/or two) and loose the prize consultancy to another consultant, if all three phases are bid for separately.
For the projects carried out with international donor support, more often than not, the international or bilateral agency funding the project would require that consultants are hired, especially for the First and the Third Phase of the consultancy services needed for the project. The consultant is usually brought in, in view of the deficiencies in the technical capacities of the beneficiary of the funding and also to provide the funding agency, and independent oversight of the project Ð thus indirectly serving as a monitoring and control mechanism for the funding agency.
Costs of consultancy services vary in terms of the scope of the consultancy services to be provided, the nature of the expertise provided and the time involved, with the latter being the yardstick by which the extent of service is being valued in, with different rates applied for the nature of the technical expertise provided.
Project supervision can be extremely helpful in insuring the successful and timely completion of the project. It also provides experienced guidance for the implementation of the project according to the technical terms and conditions of the contract and in keeping with normally accepted practices of the trade. It also is an important aspect in training for both the client staff and the contractor in highly specialized fields that can provide ample chances of deviation and cheating, especially if neither the client nor the contractor are competent enough to insure such adherence accordingly.
As far as development is concerned, the training element of the technical assistance component represents an important means for human resource development that will insure a core base of technically competent staff for the client, with the view that eventually these staff should be able to carry out future aspects of the consultancy on their own and thus provide ample savings in future project implementation costs.
For the Republic of Yemen, rather than witnessing a decreased need for consultancy services. as time goes on and the available technical staff have learned from previous projects, working as counterparts of the consultants' staff engaged in the project, we are noticing an increase of the reliance on consultancy services for project implementation, even for the minutest of jobs. Not that we are seeing a broader scope of project implementation, but rather the reason goes back to a number of institutional and organizational aspects within the government and public sectors. For one, the trainees working under the consultancy services are not usually selected by an objective screening process that entails that only competent local counterparts who can truly absorb and turn their training into meaningful productive work for the employer, when the consultant has finished his assignment. Second, the local staff find that even if they are competent to carry out the required work learned from the consultant, they will find that they no longer lack the means or resources to be as productive as they potentially could be under the same conditions that they worked in as counterparts of the consultant staff Ð especially in terms of remuneration, availability of comfortable working conditions and confidence and trust of the management of their employers. In addition, a rewarding incentive system for productive work would be helpful in encouraging initiative and sound application of modern work methods Ð which would entail having a viable evaluation system for gauging competence and performance of the technical staff.
With an increasing reliance on consultancy services in the Republic of Yemen, it has been found that unfortunately, a number of consulting companies have found the country to be easy prey for quick unearned profit, in terms of the actual benefit gained from the consultancy service provided. This is especially true of the non-technical or structural consultancy services Ð i.e. those involving institutional and managerial "expertise". This observer has had a tremendous opportunity to read and digest a number of consultancy works in various fields. Though some of this work has been worthy of praise, especially in earlier periods, it is distressing to find that, lately, some of the work, which has been coming out of, even reputable international firms, has been appalling to see the least, and surely not worth the money paid for the services that were, in fact not provided. Quite often, many of these firms engage staff from other developing countries, who unfortunately proved to be either poorly experienced or very careless in meeting the terms of reference set out for their tasks accordingly. It is hard to believe that these companies do not have the mechanisms to gauge the work of these staff who are acting in their names and who earn substantial incomes, that are not substantiated by the quality of their products Ð in form and substance. For this reason, this observer would implore donors not to take everything done by consultants for granted as being efforts that are highly professional and meaningful. Moreover, one would expect that donors should set up an evaluation system by which they screen and continuously evaluate the consultants that work with them, and should share with the beneficiary countries the rating of consultants derived accordingly. Also there also should be a penalty system for inadequate work provided by consultants, with the application thereof to be agreed upon by, say, the World Bank and the beneficiary agencies accordingly. This would go along way to insuring that the consultants maintain a high standard of the very expensive services they are paid to provide and making sure that such service is indeed beneficial to the Republic of Yemen in pursuing its development aims.

 
The Press in the Arab World:
100 years of suppressed freedom

By: Said Essoulami *
The history of press freedom in the Middle East and North Africa in the last century has been determined by the interaction of several political, economic, social and technological factors. Among the most important of the political factors are: the Arab nationalism which called for independence from the Ottoman, French and British empires, the creation of the state of Israel and its ensuing wars, military coups d'etat, civil conflicts and the Gulf War, as well as the development of a politicized Islam. The petrol boom, the baby boom and its corollary of an increase in literacy, as well as radio and television competition, have also influenced the development of the press and to that extent of its freedoms.
In a region dominated by the Ottoman Empire, newspapers that had existed from the middle of the eighteenth century were the tools of Turkish authorities or foreign Embassies. The independent Arab written press did not appear until the middle of the nineteenth century. Notably in Egypt, until the cultural and intellectual renaissance of the 1860s and 1870s encouraged by the liberal Khedive Ismail who governed Egypt between 1863 and 1979. In Syria and Iraq, the written press appeared a few years later, but was the victim of frequent censorship, which drove Syrian-Lebanese journalists abroad to Egypt where press freedom was guaranteed. It was these Syrian-Lebanese journalists, bent on resuscitating Arab literature in the name of past Arab glory, who were the avant-garde of modern Arab journalism and launched newspapers which in turn became models for the Arab press. Such was the case with the brothers Salim and Bishara Takla, who founded "Al-Ahram" in Cairo.
At the end of the Ottoman period which drew to a close at the culmination of the First World War, journalism did not reach beyond the confines of a traditional system which organized the relationship between the political class and the rest of the population according to principles of obedience and respect for the established political authority. Some journalists, inspired by European liberalism, challenged this system by criticizing Turkish authority, but they paid dearly for their activism by imprisonment, torture or simply the banning of their newspapers. Some of them went to exile in France or Great Britain, where they set up newspapers and reviews. These journalists were more driven by literature and politics than by the principle of information.
It was only from 1908 onwards, in response to pressure from the Young Turks, that legal and political restrictions were lifted on the founding of newspapers, which allowed an independent press to develop in Egypt, Syria and Iraq. In 1909, for example, there were 144 newspapers and reviews in Egypt, 90 in Cairo and 45 in Alexandria. This press was always animated by young writers and politicians committed to the promotion of a national Arab conscience in the context of Turkish domination.
With the dismantling of the Ottoman Empire and the establishment of French and English colonialism, a new press emerged in the region, at first by European colonizers, then by the native people. The Europeans, and especially the French, set up a press in Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, Syria and Lebanon. The English preferred to keep the nascent political press in Egypt in check rather than to take its place. Several political parties were formed in Egypt during the two world wars and were able to launch their own press organs which expressed the national drive for the country's independence. The Palestinian press which appeared in 1908 and went on to be strangled by the Turks, was not able to appear on the scene again after the First World War. Its major concern was British colonial policy and especially the Zionist movement which took root in Palestine and which went on to benefit from the Balfour Declaration designating Palestine as the Jewish homeland. Colonial censorship of the local press was more restrictive, especially during the two world wars.
From 1945 onwards, the press became the privileged instrument in the fight for national independence. The nationalist, who were often journalists by profession, suffered all forms of brutal treatment at the hands of the colonial authorities: prison, torture and exile. Their newspapers were suspended or banned. The Arab press, especially in Palestine, was not only bent to the colonial yoke, but also went on to confront the creation of Israel in 1948.
After the independence of the Arab states, the need to construct a national economics relegated the call for freedom and individual rights into background. The 1952 revolution in Egypt, followed by coups d'etats in Iraq and Syria, brought an end to the multiparty system and to the independent press. In North Africa, freedom gave rise to repressive regimes. President Gamal Abdel Nasser abolished the multi-party system, nationalized the press and created institutional frameworks subject to one party rule by the Arab Socialist party. In Syria and Iraq, the bassist army did the same; in Algeria the National Liberation Front established the system of one-party rule and journalists became civil servants answerable to the socialist revolution. In Tunisia, the Bourguiba regime tolerated an opposition press, but this press was dependent on the government's goodwill, as was the case in Morocco. Journalists often came up against censorship and a legislation which repressed independent criticism in the name of the protection of public order.
From 1960 to 1980 the whole region suffered from a lack of press freedom, with the exception of Lebanon. The Lebanese exception is due to the complexity of the political and social composition of the country. Lebanese journalists basked in a freedom of expression which had no equivalent in the region and their journalism was of a very high technical quality. But the civil war in 1975 forced the press and these journalists into exile in Europe and the United States. The Gulf petrol boom also drew many of these journalists, who took up positions in new newspapers created, thanks to the wealth generated by petrol. Egyptian, Syrian and Palestinian journalists also exploited this goldmine. Unfortunately, these journalists were hemmed in by the traditionalist system governing the countries concerned. The downside of the high salaries they earned was the rigid censorship they had to work under.
The only journalists who could write in all freedom were those who had set up their base in Europe, but even their freedom was only a provisional one: the money generated by the petrol bought out most of these journalists. Saudi Arabia, Iraq and Libya all invested in the expatriate press in order to rally support for their power and ally themselves to the most eminent and credible pens in the Arab world. Iraq and Libya funded reviews; the Saudi Arabians funded dailies. Journalists fell over themselves to offer their services to the rich and draw on the benefits due to them, such as cars, houses, or gold watches. A critical press was confined to the limits of the Arab community abroad. Other more powerful dailies and reviews had a regional audience that was much more significant.
The end of the 1980s, which coincided with the end of the Cold War and the lifting of the communist yoke from Eastern European countries, made its mark on more than one country in the region. The three most significant events were the Gulf War, the rise of a politicized Islam and the Development of a democratic process in several countries, in particular Algeria, Morocco, Tunisia, Egypt, Jordan and Yemen.
The Gulf War brought about by the Iraq invasion of Kuwait opened a new chapter in the history of the media in the region. The Gulf states, seeing the impact that CNN had on an international scale, grasped the strategic importance of satellite television in times of conflict. Several governments, in particular Saudi Arabia, encouraged their rich compatriots to invest in the installation of satellite television channels in Europe. MBC, ORBIT, ART were able to build their hand set up thrones under the Arab sky. Other countries followed suit by launching their own national channels. Only Al-Jazeera, financed by the Qatar government, dared to jostle traditions and political taboos by programs open to all opinions, even the most hostile to established Arab regimes. Al-Jazeera was heavily criticized by governments who did not welcome the space given to their political opponents.
The Gulf War also brought about the destruction of the media infrastructure belonging to the regime of Saddam Hussein. The economic embargo imposed by the United Nations Security Council - which applied to paper, pens, computers, printing presses and anything to do with the printing newspapers - had a disastrous effect on journalists in Iraq. Many lost their jobs and had to see off their books or personal belongings in order to survive.
Other countries were not so unfortunate as Iraq. On the contrary, the 1990s stood out for development in civil society, a society animated by political parties, organizations for human rights and cultural and artistic associations - all of which called for freedom of expression, association and a wider and fairer participation in the management of public affairs.
Popular pressure was greatest in Algeria, which brought about the explosion of the political system and the liberalization of the press. New legislative elections were on the verge of setting the Islamists up in power. The army, under the pretext of saving a young democracy, cancelled elections and seized power. The civil war which followed brought about more than 100 000 deaths, including 60 journalists who were assassinated by armed Islamist factions or by paramilitary groups supported by the army in power.
The failure of democracy in Algeria is not unique to the Arab world. Other openings for democracy also failed in many Arab countries. The official explanation put forward by the governments for the suppression of extremist Islamic movements in the danger was that these movements were geared for democracy. Morocco is the only country in the Arab world which is slowly advancing towards the construction of a rule of law. In other countries, journalists continue to be imprisoned or tortured. More than 15 journalists continue to suffer in jails in Syria, Tunisia, Kuwait or Iraq. All the freedom to be found in the Arab world are not enough for one single journalist, and if an Arab journalist wants to savour his freedom of expression, he must start by defending the freedom of others.

*Said Essoulami, Executive Director of the Center for Media Freedom in the Middle East and North Africa (CMF MENA). Mr. Essoulami, who is a Moroccan and British national, previously worked at ARTICLE 19 where he developed and headed the Middle East program. He has written extensively on media freedom issues in the MENA region, and conceived and initiated the Euro-Med Human Rights Network, which is made up of more than 60 human rights NGOs from Europe and the Mediterranean.

 
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